Is Malaysia entering a post-Reformasi political era?

As younger voters grow increasingly detached from the ideals of Reformasi and PKR faces internal fractures following Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli's departure, analysts say Malaysia's political future may be shaped less by historical rivalries and more by economic anxieties, race and religion.

KUALA LUMPUR: For nearly three decades, Malaysian politics has revolved around the rivalry between Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his protégé-turned-nemesis Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim – a political struggle born out of the 1997 Asian financial crisis and the Reformasi (reform) movement that reshaped the country’s political landscape.

But with Dr Mahathir’s influence waning following the 15th General Election (GE15) in 2022 and former PKR deputy president Datuk Seri Rafizi Ramli launching a new political platform, questions are emerging over whether Malaysia is entering its first truly post-Reformasi political era.

Yet political analysts caution that while the personalities dominating Malaysian politics may be changing, the country may not necessarily be moving beyond the deeper political forces that have long shaped its electoral landscape.

Professor James Chin of Monash University Malaysia argued that race and religion remain the dominant force in Malaysian politics, made worse by social media and the rise of political Islam.

“Malaysia has not moved even with the end of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s era. We are stuck in a vicious cycle of racial and religious politics,” he said.

Chin said economic concerns and historical political narratives may continue to feature in elections but argued that race and religion still ultimately drive voting behaviour.

“The thing that drives people to the ballot box will still be race and religion,” he told Twentytwo13.

The fading power of Reformasi

The Reformasi movement that emerged after Anwar’s dismissal as deputy prime minister in 1998 once galvanised large numbers of young Malaysians demanding institutional reform, transparency and democratic accountability.

But analysts believe the movement’s emotional and political appeal has weakened among younger voters born after the Reformasi era.

Senior fellow at the Nusantara Academy of Strategic Research, Professor Dr Azmi Hassan, said younger voters today are more concerned with economic survival and future opportunities than institutional reform narratives.

“When Reformasi was first introduced, it attracted young people because it represented a new form of politics,” he told Twentytwo13.

“But young voters today are attracted to something idealistic, something new and something that can guarantee their future – no longer Reformasi ideals such as institutional reforms.”

The shift could have major implications for PKR, which has long relied on the Reformasi narrative as its core political identity.

Analysts noted that many younger voters, particularly those under the Undi18 initiative, did not experience the political upheaval of 1998 and therefore lack the same emotional attachment to Reformasi-era politics.

Instead, issues such as wages, cost of living, housing affordability, employment opportunities and economic security are increasingly shaping voting behaviour among younger Malaysians.

Associate Professor Dr Azeem Fazwan Ahmad Farouk, director of Universiti Sains Malaysia’s Centre for Policy Research, said it would be misleading to over-romanticise Reformasi as the sole driver of political change in Malaysia.

“To be fair to the Reformasi movement, it did bring about more space for civil and political action,” he said.

“However, political cleavages today are becoming more fluid and are gravitating more towards regional and ethnic differences.”

Rafizi, Bersama and PKR’s identity crisis

The debate surrounding Malaysia’s political transition has intensified following Rafizi’s departure from PKR and moves to mobilise Parti Bersama Malaysia as a new political platform.

The development has also triggered a wave of resignations among PKR youth leaders and grassroots members, fuelling concerns over the party’s long-term direction beyond Anwar’s leadership.

Among the most significant developments were the resignations involving PKR’s Pandan division youth leadership, several student wing leaders and Federal Territories youth figures aligned with Rafizi’s reformist faction.

Federal Territories PKR Youth chief Asheeq Ali Sethi Alivi publicly claimed the party had drifted from its original reform ideals, while several youth leaders openly criticised what they described as growing pragmatism within the ruling coalition.

Chin said Rafizi still commands influence among urban voters because he is perceived as representing PKR’s “real Reformasi wing”, particularly on issues such as anti-corruption and governance reforms.

“But it is not the sort of Reformasi that people are thinking about changing everything. Now it is a very simple thing like anti-corruption, more openness and all that sort of thing,” he said.

“This could be seen as a centrist position, in other words moving Malaysia back to pre-1980, when race and religion were not so prominent.”

However, he argued the bigger challenge for Rafizi would be expanding support beyond urban constituencies into the Malay heartland.

“I don’t doubt he will capture a significant portion of urban votes, mostly from PKR and DAP supporters,” Chin said.

“But to remain influential, he must also win rural Malay support.”

Azmi, however, questioned whether Rafizi still possesses the same political appeal among younger voters.

“If Rafizi still had strong influence among young people while in PKR, then surely PKR would have continued attracting them,” he said.

“In my opinion, Rafizi’s influence has also faded. If we want to look at an analogy, Khairy Jamaluddin, for example, is often viewed as being more capable of attracting young voters compared to Rafizi.”

Young voters and the rise of post-ideological politics

Malaysia’s evolving political landscape may ultimately be shaped by a generation increasingly detached from the historical battles that once defined national politics.

For many younger voters, Dr Mahathir is no longer viewed through the lens of his past, while Anwar is no longer primarily seen as the jailed reformist icon of the late 1990s. Instead, both figures are increasingly viewed as part of the broader political establishment.

This generational detachment could significantly reshape GE16, especially as Undi18 and post-Reformasi voters are expected to form a substantial portion of the electorate. It is estimated that 60 per cent of eligible voters are aged between 18 and 40.

Azmi said economic anxieties are likely to dominate the next general election amid global uncertainties, rising living costs and concerns over economic stability.

“As such, economic concerns will become the main issue and the key attraction,” he said.

Analysts also warned that PKR’s long-term survival may increasingly depend on whether it can redefine its identity beyond Anwar’s personal political aura.

Azmi noted that while PKR currently survives largely because of Anwar’s influence, the party still lacks a clearly accepted successor capable of commanding nationwide support.

Chin, meanwhile, described a future PKR leadership transition involving Nurul Izzah Anwar as a major political experiment for Malaysia.

“Will PKR survive post-Anwar? Basically, that will be Nurul Izzah’s responsibility,” he said.

Beyond personalities, but not beyond race and religion

Despite talk of a post-Reformasi transition, analysts cautioned against assuming Malaysia is necessarily moving towards a less polarised political environment.

Chin argued that political Islam and race-based narratives have intensified over the past decade, amplified by social media and increasingly fragmented political discourse.

“Issues regarding race and religion are much worse today than they were 30 years ago,” he said.

He stressed that the only way to move beyond this and return to the middle ground is by revamping Malaysia’s entire political culture.

“To do this, the first step is to revamp our entire education system. Our entire education system from primary school all the way up to university has basically failed us. It’s all about technical expertise and nothing about how to make Malaysia a better place.”

Azeem, meanwhile, noted that leadership rivalries and party breakaways were not new phenomena in Malaysian politics, drawing parallels with past splits involving Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Musa Hitam and Anwar himself.

“What makes Rafizi so special?” he asked.

“In a Westminster-style system like ours, how political parties and coalitions perform matters more than the individual.”

Still, as Malaysia edges closer to GE16, the country may be entering an unfamiliar political phase – one where the towering personalities of Dr Mahathir and Anwar no longer dominate the national imagination as they once did.

Whether that leads to genuine political renewal or simply a new version of old divisions may ultimately depend on how a younger generation of voters chooses to define Malaysia’s next political chapter.